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The GNU: DA’s ‘Grand Coalition’ Model

Continued from Part 1: Unpacking the recent elections and the proposed GNU

The result of the recent May elections revealed a significant decrease in the ANC’s support-base – it suffered severely at the polls. This electoral shift dramatically changed South Africa’s political landscape.
One of the significant outcomes was that the ANC was coerced to seriously consider various political configurations; in other words, it had to place on its table the idea of coalescing with other parties to retain its powerful position, though it was defeated at the polls – or it had to consider co-partnering with a strong party remain in the political game.

 

At this point the DA under Helen Zille foisted onto the ANC its model, which we will call “The DA’s Grand Coalition Model” which worked in the DA’s interest. The ANC National Executive Committee (NEC) meanwhile disagreed with the DA model, and proposed an alternative model; which we will call the “ANC’s Liberation Model” – one that was viewed as more practical in the circumstances.
This blog will first unpack the proposed DA Model, before shifting to the latter.
Or find out more about the ANC’s Liberation Model here

 

The big question facing the ANC was: who to bring in as its coalition partner? While many thought that it would reach out to parties with which it had a friendly and not a tendentious relationship over the years, everyone was surprised that it opted to ‘get into bed’ with the neo-liberal oriented DA; a party that do not feel ashamed of being funded by the genocidal maniacs such as the Zionists. The latter, it was affirmed, channelled funds into the coffers of many other South African parties; they included the new kid on the bloc, namely Rise Mzansi that started out in April 2023 and apparently a DA creation with the intention of divide and rule.

 

Their real goal was to gain a strong foothold into the South African political arena so that they can benefit from the rich resources that belong to the country’s nation. These Zionists, however, succeeded since the South African electorate was and is oblivious of their devious and scheming plans to control lucrative lands in many countries; they in fact, even influenced the IEC officials and this thus raise many red flags with their presence and their acts within the South African arena.

 

That aside, it is important to note that there was external interference in South Africa’s elections (such as the Americans and other interested stakeholders); and this thus had a negative impact upon the statistical results. Among those that gained from these developments were the DA and its moon-shot pack parties; they were the key beneficiaries of large sums of monies that influenced their policies and their results. Because of these, they managed to secure many votes and even via faulty methods that should still be investigated. As a collective, they brought in more than 2 million votes and placed them alongside the ANC that garnered twice their number even though they were defeated in certain regions.

 

Being in a strong position politically, it implied that they could enter into an agreement with the ANC via a multi-lateral relationship or worded differently: the ANC and DA could co-govern with the support of other Zionist funded parties. So, it was not a shock when the country witnessed during the post-election phase that the ANC leadership engaged with the DA that they seem to have found political synergy!

 

Interesting to add at this point is that a Social Research Foundation researcher pointed out that the data that they were compiled at different periods (2022, 2023 and 2024) illustrated ‘that there is considerable support amongst ANC and DA voters for the parties to enter into coalition as a government of national unity.’ The survey was useful underlying the fact that the sample of interviewees wanted that these two parties gather their energies and resources to co-govern; this was, however, not a clear-cut issue as desired by those who were interviewed. It should be noted that though these surveys are helpful, they are indeed faulty since the sampling was very small and not impactful; it essentially conveyed the incorrect impression of the South African electorate and its political desires.

 

An important point to highlight is that the ANC opted not to reach out to like- minded parties though they differed on minor matters; they, instead, approached the DA to consider creating a GNU. The question that should be asked: why did the ANC not consider the EFF or the newly found MK party that were composed of former ANC members. Leaving that aside, it was of interest to observe that the DA – that exuded with confidence – placed their demands on the table relishing the fact that they in a strong position to not only bargain but demand certain posts in cabinet and at other levels. Since then, the writing of a partisan relationship was ‘on the wall’; that is, that a long-list of disagreements automatically appeared and these caused the ANC to rethink their relationship with the DA by stalling their negotiations. Though this ‘grand coalition’ model did not bear the fruit as the DA thought, it was an experiment that seems to be on back burner with the hope it will be given life.

 

Before turning to the next model, it should be stated that the DA preferred to be an equal stakeholder in this configuration since it suited its cunning leadership. This model only included the parties that worked with the DA and that had Zionist funding; by implication, it meant that the other parties were excluded from this model.

 

The question was: Was the ANC prepared to be overwhelmed by the DA and its ilk? The simple answer to this question: it did not foresee and bargain for this outcome; for that reason, it chose not to forge ahead and thus staggered the process.

 

It should also be recalled that this model did not create space for others who opposed the DA and its ideologically aligned parties; considering this position, parties such as Al Jama-ah was not considered but nor would it have wanted to join this obnoxious group that had nothing positive to say about the Palestinians that are being massacred on a daily basis! In fact, since the results of the election were recorded and analysed, the party never expressed a positive view about the GNU when it included the DA.

 

It took a firm stand and held the view that it would not share or support the idea of having the DA in government; the party regularly stated that while it had a soft spot for the ANC despite its shortcomings, it could not see itself siding with white rulers and thus never entertained the idea of sharing power with parties that are discriminatory in outlook and that support genocide in Palestine and elsewhere.

READ PART 3: The GNU: ‘Liberation Movement’ Model